155
9
Reaping the rewards
Murdoch and government action
I bet if I was going to be shot at dawn, I could get out of it.
1
Rupert Murdoch
‘I’ve never asked a prime minister for anything.’
2
Rupert Murdoch’s
testimony to the Leveson Inquiry was emphatic. ‘I take a particularly
strong pride in the fact that we have never pushed our commercial
interests in our newspapers … I never let my commercial interests,
whatever they are, enter into any consideration of elections.’
3
Leveson was probing – and Murdoch was denying – the trading
of editorial support for policy or regulatory favours, the transac-
tion, either explicit or implicit, that many suspected was the key
to Murdoch’s power in Britain. The news media are unique in that
their output affects the political fortunes of policy-makers directly.
While media owners share with other large corporations the abil-
ity to donate money and lobby in traditional ways, they have this
crucial added leverage.
Murdoch’s reputation for wielding great power had been pro-
moted by both his supporters and his opponents. Former News of
the World journalist Paul McMullan declared that ‘every political
leader since Margaret Thatcher in the 1970s has had to “jump in
bed with Murdoch”’.
4
Charles Douglas-Home, editor of the Times,
said in 1984:
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156
Rupert and Mrs Thatcher consult regularly on every important
matter of policy … especially as they relate to his economic and
political interests. Around here, he’s often jokingly referred to as
‘Mr Prime Minister’. Except that it’s no longer all that much of a
joke. In many respects, he is the phantom prime minister of this
country.
5
A spin doctor in the Blair Government, Lance Price, said:
I have never met Mr Murdoch, but at times when I worked at
Downing Street he seemed like the 24th member of the Cabinet.
His voice was rarely heard … but his presence was always felt.
6
Similar claims have been made about Murdoch’s influence in Aus-
tralia, and his denial seemed more geographic than political: ‘It’s
wrong to say I’m the most powerful man in Australia. I’m not even
there.’
7
In America, Murdoch asked, ‘Power? What power? I have
no power. No more than any American. This myth that I have some
influence up there on Capitol Hill is baloney.’
8
In contrast to this picture of innocence and powerlessness, Bruce
Page concluded that on ‘most of the critical steps’ in his expansion
Murdoch has ‘sought and received political favours’ and that his
success has depended on these.
9
But this is perhaps too sweeping in
the other direction. Rather, two conclusions stand out:
• The 1980s were the key period where policy decisions were im-
portant to Murdoch’s growth.
Murdoch became a giant in newspaper publishing without
any special help from governments, and there were no impor-
tant cases of governments assisting him before the 1980s. In that
decade, as he changed his citizenship, launched into TV in the
US, took over the Times in Britain, became the dominant player in
Australian newspapers, and launched the Sky TV satellite ser-
vice, his relations with governments were crucial to his ability to
develop as he wished.
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157
• Since the 1990s, Murdoch’s veto power has been more important
than his initiating power.
Over this long period, Murdoch has almost constantly been
a controversial figure, and there have been calls for his power to
be curbed – by stronger anti-monopoly measures, for example –
but there are few cases of governments adopting policies that ran
strongly counter to his interests. ‘No government,’ said Leveson,
‘addressed the issue of press regulation, nor of concentration of
ownership.’
10
On the other hand, he has not always succeeded in
gaining legislative measures he wanted. For example, as a partner
in the pay TV operator Foxtel, he has long fought the Australian
anti-siphoning rules that give the free-to-air stations first choice
at major sporting events, but the power of the free-to-air net-
works and of public opinion have protected the status quo.
Murdoch’s relations with three governments – Thatcher, Hawke-
Keating and Blair – have been particularly crucial, and are consid-
ered below.
Thatcher and Murdoch
As Shawcross commented, after the Sun swung its support to
Thatcher in 1979, for the next decade and a half it ‘remained aston-
ishingly loyal to her, and that loyalty was rewarded’.
11
It was in the
Murdoch-Thatcher relationship that the politics of mutual patron-
age reached its strongest expression, and produced the worst abuses
in policy-making.
In 1959 Roy Thomson bought the Sunday Times and in 1966 he
bought the Times from the Astor family. Under Thomson there was
a high degree of editorial independence. The Sunday Times thrived
both commercially and editorially, maintaining high standards of
journalism and attracting the best talent, especially under the edi-
torship of Harold Evans. However, by 1980 Thomson’s ownership
of Times Newspapers had ‘become commercially disastrous’,
12
due
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158
principally to industrial problems. Publication had been suspended
for 11 months in 1978–79. The journalists, who had been paid for
that entire period, then went on strike in August 1980. In the face
of continuing unrest and large losses, the Thomson organisation
decided to sell; if no buyer could be found, it would cease publica-
tion. It was keen to find a buyer, however, as closing the titles would
result in severance payments of around £36 million.
13
There were several potential bidders, including groups organ-
ised by the editors of the two papers. Lord Rothermere offered
£20 million, but Thomson was concerned that his company intended
to close the Times once he got control, so Murdoch’s lower bid, of
£12 million, prevailed.
The policy issue was whether the acquisition would be referred
to the Monopolies Commission, as Murdoch already owned one
national daily and one Sunday national. Any seller would prefer
a purchase to be consummated without having to face an inquiry,
and this was clearly Thomson’s wish. Equally, any buyer would
also prefer an immediate decision. Murdoch, quite reasonably, told
the Secretary of State, John Biffen, that if there was an inquiry he
reserved the right to renegotiate the price – the paper could well
be bleeding money in the interim.
14
However, there is little reason
to believe that an inquiry would have endangered the sale. It is also
unlikely that Thomson would have closed the titles: he would then
forfeit the purchase price, and face the large severance payments
bill.
At first Biffen indicated that he would refer Murdoch’s purchase
to an inquiry, but then he announced that he would not. There was
immediate controversy. John Smith, later leader of the Labour Party,
said the acquisition would produce a concentration of newspaper
power probably ‘unprecedented in our history’.
15
Some Conserva-
tive backbenchers were also opposed to the lack of due process.
As Belfield and his Channel Four colleagues observed, ‘Yet again,
Murdoch had demonstrated his brilliance in waltzing past the regu-
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159
lators. The key to his fancy footwork was that he was not danc-
ing alone.’
16
Murdoch and Thatcher were ‘ideological soulmates’.
Murdoch described himself as ‘a great admirer’ of her and on the
‘same page politically’,
17
and she felt she owed ‘a real debt of grati-
tude to him’. When one Sunday Times journalist spoke to a Thatcher
adviser about blocking the sale, he was told to stop wasting his time
– ‘You don’t realize, she likes the guy.’
18
Murdoch’s friend and confi-
dant, Woodrow Wyatt, was also keen to claim credit. Twice in later
years, after he had started keeping a diary, entries referred to having
arranged ‘through Margaret’ that ‘the deal didn’t go to the Monopo-
lies Commission which almost certainly would have blocked it’.
19
The law required that there must be a reference unless both
papers were making a loss. In justifying his decision, Biffen said he
was satisfied that neither the Times nor the Sunday Times was a going
concern, and therefore a referral was not necessary.
20
He also pre-
sented figures which showed both papers were making a loss.
21
The
impact of industrial disputes would have given him some backing for
such calculations. However, according to Thomson’s finance group
director, and most other analysts, the Sunday Times was profitable,
and if the two titles were taken together the company overall was
still profitable, even though the Times was making a substantial loss.
22
Murdoch did have to give a series of guarantees. The most
important related to editorial independence. This would be enforced
by there being a group of national directors who would have sole
power over the appointment and dismissal of editors. Murdoch’s
guarantees were widely applauded. The outgoing editor of the
Times, William Rees-Mogg, said they are ‘very far reaching and there
is no reason to doubt that he will abide by them’.
23
The incom-
ing editor of the Times, Harold Evans, whom Murdoch had lured
across from the Sunday Times, and who was a journalist whose stat-
ure gave comfort to all who wanted to believe the new ownership
arrangements would work, said, ‘No editor or journalist could ask
for wider guarantees of editorial independence on news and policy
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160
than those Mr Murdoch has accepted.’
24
The guarantees seemed
empty a year later, on 9 March 1982, when Murdoch demanded
Evans’s resignation.
Murdoch has continued to assert his observance of the edito-
rial independence guarantees. He told the Leveson Inquiry in 2012,
‘I never gave instructions to the editor of the Times or the Sunday
Times’,
25
and in 2007, when reassuring the owners of the Wall St Jour-
nal that he would observe guarantees given to them, declared, ‘I have
[never] given any sort of political instructions, or even guidance to
one editor of the Times or the Sunday Times.’
26
He described Evans
as the only Times editor ‘we have ever asked to leave’.
27
However,
only months after telling Leveson this, he dismissed another, James
Harding.
28
He must also have forgotten that he forced Charles
Wilson to resign in 1990.
29
As well as the editorial dismissals, there was other Murdoch
interference in both papers. This became more acute from early
1982. An obvious case was on the Sunday Times, when he told the
editor, Frank Giles, that he wanted to appoint two new deputy edi-
tors. There was no pretence of consulting Giles, let alone getting his
agreement. Giles complied and announced the new appointments,
even though he knew that ‘what [Murdoch] was now demanding
was in complete breach of [his] undertaking’.
30
One of the former deputy editors, Hugo Young, wrote, after he
left the paper, that Murdoch did not believe in neutrality:
Indeed, rather like politicians themselves, he had difficulty
comprehending it. As far as he was concerned, journalistic
detachment was a mask for anti-Thatcherism.
31
According to Evans, ‘It soon became obvious that nothing less than
unquestioning backing of Mrs Thatcher on every issue would sat-
isfy Rupert.’
32
These editors’ views were supported by Tom Kiernan,
who recalled a New York dinner party, where the papers’ criticism
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161
of Thatcher was galling to Murdoch. He:
characterized Giles and his wife as Communists. Evans, he called
worse. Then he went on to blast the two papers as being ‘lily-
livered’ and ‘straining my patience’. No one at the dinner who
heard Murdoch’s diatribe had any doubt of what was about to
happen.
33
The pressure to force Evans out gathered pace. On 8 February 1982:
Murdoch provoked an atmosphere of crisis by sending a letter to
all employees of Times Newspapers, warning them that the daily
and Sunday would close within days rather than weeks, unless
600 jobs were shed.
34
One of Evans’s ongoing frustrations was that Murdoch never gave
him a budget:
35
he was told he was exceeding a budget whose con-
tent was never revealed to him. The prospect of closure and of hun-
dreds of jobs being lost heightened the insecurity and discontent
among all employees. Evans ‘was under pressure from his proprietor
above and an increasingly discontented staff below’.
36
Soon afterwards it was revealed that – contrary to the guar-
antees he had given – Murdoch had transferred the titles of the
Times newspapers to News International. If Murdoch closed the
papers, he would retain the titles, and be free to reopen them later.
Former editor Rees-Mogg initiated the public outcry.
37
Evans also
denounced the move, observing that the national directors had not
been informed.
38
Once the issue became public, Murdoch trans-
ferred the titles out again.
As events moved to a climax, Murdoch offered the editorship to
Evans’s deputy, Charles Douglas-Home, who accepted. However,
Evans refused to resign immediately – to show that ‘editors of the
Times were not to be as casually discarded as had the 13 editors in
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162
15 years at the Australian’.
39
The standoff continued for some days,
but then he resigned: ‘I was so absolutely disgusted, dismayed and
demoralized by living in a vindictive atmosphere.’
40
‘Nothing in my
experience,’ he wrote, ‘compared to the atmosphere of intrigue, fear
and spite inflicted on the paper by Murdoch’s lieutenants.’
41
The home editor of the Times, Fred Emery, said he was told by
Murdoch, ‘I give instructions to my editors all around the world;
why shouldn’t I in London?’ When Emery reminded him of his
undertakings to the Secretary of State, Murdoch replied, ‘They’re
not worth the paper they’re written on.’
42
(Two decades later, Mur-
doch denied to Leveson that he said this.) Evans later came to:
agree with Murdoch that editorial guarantees are not worth the
paper they are written on … [In reality,] the national directors
are incapable of monitoring the daily turmoil of a newspaper
… Arbitration is impossible on the innumerable issues which
may arise in many different ways every day between editor and
proprietor.
43
There was a further case where the Thatcher Government failed
to refer a Murdoch purchase to the Monopolies Commission even
though the purchase gave him a third daily title. Murdoch bought
the loss-making Today for £38 million in July 1987.
44
The daily,
launched by Eddie Shah, had pioneered the use of colour and more
efficient printing techniques, but had failed to make a profit. Shah
first went into partnership with another prominent British business-
man, Tiny Rowland, but then both became interested in selling the
paper. Maxwell and Murdoch were the two interested buyers. Max-
well thought he had succeeded, and in a typical case of ego beating
strategic judgement, telephoned Murdoch in the US to tell him.
Murdoch realised that Maxwell in fact did not yet have crucial sig-
natures; he moved quickly, and beat Maxwell.
45
Both seller Rowland
and buyer Murdoch were keen to avoid an inquiry, and advised the
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163
government that if there was not immediate approval, the paper
would close. The government agreed.
46
The outcry was only a small fraction of the public controversy
surrounding the sale of the Times. First, Today, only a few years old,
lacked the Thunderer’s iconic status. Second, Prime Minister Thatcher
had much more political latitude at this time. She had just won her
third election, in July 1987, and was in undisputed command of her
own party and of a parliamentary majority. Third, the main alterna-
tive to Murdoch was the unscrupulous Maxwell. Fourth, the title
was clearly making a loss, which meant that it was not mandatory to
refer it. Finally, there was perhaps a sense of fatigue and inevitabil-
ity that the Murdoch-Thatcher axis would prevail.
Nevertheless, none of this seems sufficient grounds for not
referring an unprecedented acquisition of a third national daily
newspaper to the Monopolies Commission. Wyatt’s diaries were
quite open about the political nature of the decision. In 1986, he
and Murdoch had wanted a referral because, as he said to Thatcher,
‘we don’t want Today to fall into the hands of our enemy Maxwell’.
In 1987, with Murdoch as the buyer, they successfully lobbied to
prevent a referral.
47
Almost a decade after the purchase of the Times, Thatcher
allowed Murdoch to, in effect, sabotage the satellite policies her
own government had adopted. In the first half of the 1980s, the
government announced that it wanted to see the rapid development
of satellite and was keen to achieve industrial advantages from the
emerging technology.
48
But equally, it expected the capital cost of
providing the satellite system to be met within the private sector.
49
The first attempts to put together a consortium to do this failed.
The BBC, for example, pulled out because it could not meet the
high costs, as did others who were also wary of the very large finan-
cial risks they would be incurring, with high immediate costs and
at best deferred income streams. Eventually, in December 1986, the
Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA) awarded the franchise
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164
to British Satellite Broadcasting (BSB), a consortium of five media
companies (not including News International, which was part of a
competing tender).
50
Under the cross-media rules, each newspaper
was limited to 20 per cent of the satellite broadcaster.
The government adopted ‘a high cost and self-consciously
“quality” approach to satellite broadcasting’. Shawcross explained:
‘Under the terms of its franchise, BSB was compelled to use a new,
untried and very expensive transmission system, D-MAC, which
was expected to produce a better picture than the old PAL [colour
encoding] system.’
51
BSB had to use a technology with more initial
problems, plus a greater initial expense to potential consumers, but
that would have greater long-term value. According to scholar Peter
Goodwin’s definitive account, ‘right from the start the IBA, the gov-
ernment and BSB were clear that its chances of success depended on
a clear run free of new competition’.
52
In June 1988 Murdoch announced plans for Sky, a service aimed
entirely at British audiences, but operating on the Luxembourg-
based Astra satellite, and using the established PAL technology.
This was a direct challenge to all the government’s assumptions, but
the government made no response.
53
As Goodwin notes, ‘Murdoch
also scored a marketing goal, creating an image of Sky television as
the cheap and quick route into the world of satellite television.’
54
Sky launched its four-channel service in February 1989. The bulk of
the programming was repeats and US material.
The directors of BSB were horrified. They ‘had agreed to
use an untested and expensive new technology, D-MAC, and an
unlaunched satellite, Marco Polo’ in return for a monopoly.
55
When
they met Mrs Thatcher to voice their objections, they ‘received a
short lecture on the virtues of competition. She told them to stop
whingeing and sent them away.’
56
To meet the challenge, the BSB partners pledged a further
£900 million in January 1990, in addition to the £423 million
already committed.
57
These were unprecedented amounts in British
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broadcasting. Finally, BSB launched, in April 1990, 15 months after
Sky, which already had 600,000 dishes in place.
58
Both sides were
scrambling to buy exclusive programming rights for movies. Sky
signed Fox, Orion, Touchstone and Warner Bros for an estimated
£60 million, while BSB contracted with Paramount, Universal,
MGM/United Artists and Columbia for £85 million.
59
Shawcross
writes, ‘During the summer of 1990, the Sky-BSB battle to sell
dishes increased in ferocity. BSB was thought to be losing £8 mil-
lion a week and Sky £2 million.’
60
As both sides bled money, they became increasingly desper-
ate to reach an agreement. Finally, on 2 November 1990 it was
announced that Sky and BSB would merge to create BSkyB, oper-
ating on the Astra satellite and using PAL. Murdoch had alerted
‘Margaret Thatcher to the merger deal a few days before it was
publicly announced. The Prime Minister did not see fit to warn her
Cabinet colleagues.’
61
So ‘Peter Lloyd, the Broadcasting Minister,
only learned about it when he read his morning newspaper.’
62
In theory, the IBA was in control of the satellite licence, so BSB
was not in a position to dispose of it, or to make the merger with
Sky the way it had.
63
When news of the merger was announced,
the IBA was furious.
64
But it soon felt compelled to give in to the
commercial reality, especially in the absence of any strong counter-
indications from the government.
This was very much a shotgun marriage. The two sides detested
each other. Murdoch thought BSB deserved to die.
65
For Murdoch:
the Sky team was lean, young and dedicated. By contrast, BSB
was burdened with a big, highly paid management, [who]
behaved like established fat cats.
66
From the BSB and IBA point of view, Murdoch had, in effect,
‘seized control of a British television station, BSB, and was now
daring the authorities to deny it to him’. Former IBA Chair-
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166
man Lord Thomson called it a ‘brutal Wapping in outer space’.
67
The Labour Party charged that the merger made a mockery of
the new Broadcasting Act. Murdoch responded:
They hate the idea of a competitive society, and it is only
companies like ours that have the guts and strength to risk
everything in building a competitor to the existing monopoly.
That’s what we are all about.
68
He sought to portray Sky as the under-resourced but entrepreneur-
ial outsider overcoming the establishment organisation.
The truth is almost the opposite of Murdoch’s formulation.
BSB received no public subsidy, but had to meet onerous publicly
imposed obligations, which put it at a severe commercial disadvan-
tage. The only justification for this was protection of its monopoly
status, at least until its services were established. It had accepted the
franchise on one set of conditions only to find the government had
allowed that position to be completely undercut.
Allowing the merger to proceed on terms very favourable to
Sky was not the last piece of assistance the Thatcher Government
gave to Murdoch. Newspaper owners were limited to 20 per cent
of domestic satellite broadcasters, but Sky and then BSkyB were
judged not to be domestic, so Murdoch was allowed to exceed that.
This helped ensure that he would always be by far the biggest share-
holder. And again, with the 1988 European Broadcasting Directive,
which required channels to broadcast at least 50 per cent European
programming. The UK Home Office decided this did not apply
to BSkyB movie channels, and so it was able to continue with its
overwhelmingly US fare.
69
Lastly, Thatcher decreed that the BBC
must pay £10 million a year to be transmitted on the Sky platform,
although across the rest of Europe commercial broadcasters paid
public broadcasters for the privilege of using their content.
70
The British Government portrayed itself as a bystander,
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167
allowing market forces to play out. It claimed that although BSkyB’s
programming operated out of London and was directed at a British
audience, its satellite rights were based in Luxembourg, and there-
fore the government lacked direct jurisdiction. In subsequent years
the Tory Government ‘acted successfully to drive [European-based]
UK-directed pornographic channels out of business’, but such
powers were never used to curb Sky or BSkyB.
71
It is hard to exaggerate just how far the outcome differed from
the satellite policies the Conservative Government had been pro-
claiming. BSkyB did not use or advance UK technology, or contrib-
ute to the industrial goals the government had embraced. It went
back to PAL television, and so ‘put high-definition television in
Britain … on hold for a decade’.
72
It was dominated by a non-UK-
controlled company and it broadcast heavily non-UK program-
ming.
73
The Thatcher Government had willingly connived in
making a mockery of its own policies. In doing so, it laid the ground-
work for what eventually would become a powerful monopoly, as
‘the real strength of News in Britain lay in the astonishing success of
BSkyB’.
74
Murdoch was speaking accurately when he told Andrew
Neil, ‘we owe Thatcher a lot as a company’.
75
Hawke-Keating Labor and Murdoch
When Murdoch renounced his Australian citizenship in September
1985, he became ineligible to hold an Australian television licence.
However, as he told Kiernan, he ‘was sure he would figure out some
way to get around’ the Australian law: ‘Perhaps the government
would make him an “honorary citizen”.’
76
Murdoch entered into a
protracted period of negotiation with the Australian Broadcasting
Tribunal (ABT) as he attempted to restructure arrangements so that
he would remain the major shareholder and continue to reap prof-
its from the Ten stations, but no longer ‘control’ the stations. His
voting stock would be quarantined below the permissible 15 per
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168
cent, for example.
77
Eventually the ABT referred Murdoch’s pro-
posal to the Federal Court to rule on its legality. This long delay
profited Murdoch greatly, because in the interim the Hawke Gov-
ernment introduced a new media policy, which sparked a scramble
for media assets.
When Hawke came to power in March 1983, the media structure
in Australia was one of entrenched, stable oligopoly. Four compa-
nies – Murdoch, Fairfax, Packer and the Herald and Weekly Times
(HWT) – dominated. The minister, Michael Duffy, was consult-
ing with various stakeholders for two changes in TV policy. There
were proposals for aggregation of rural areas to bring competition
where there was only a single commercial channel, and there were
proposals about reforming the ‘two station rule’. This limited any
company to owning two TV stations, but it took no account of the
size of the population the channels reached. So stations in, say,
North Queensland, counted the same as channels in Sydney and
Melbourne, which together reached 43 per cent of the TV market.
At that time, Packer and Murdoch both had a Sydney-Melbourne
axis. The third network, Seven, was split between Fairfax in Sydney
and HWT in Melbourne.
Duffy was in favour of redefining the ownership limits so one
company could own channels able to reach 43 per cent of the popu-
lation, but was opposed by Hawke and Keating. The media issue
became, according to media analyst Paul Chadwick, ‘the most inter-
nally divisive of the Labor Government’s first five years’.
78
During
one tense standoff, another reform-minded minister, John Button,
challenged the prime minister:
‘Why don’t you just tell us what your mates [Murdoch and Packer]
want?’ ‘It’s nothing to do with my fucking mates,’ an angry Hawke
is said to have replied, ‘they’re the only ones we’ve got.’
79
The deadlock was resolved when Treasurer Paul Keating convinced
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169
the others to go with a much larger limit (initially 75 per cent),
but also to introduce a ban on cross-media ownership, making
it impossible to own a newspaper and a TV channel in the same
market. In Keating’s phrase, an owner could be a prince of print or a
queen of the screen, but not both. Existing arrangements would be
unaffected (‘grandfathered’), but the law would apply to all future
acquisitions. Banning cross-media ownership was a principle con-
sistent with a longstanding Labor view that media ownership was
too concentrated. This won assent in Cabinet, and the new policy
was announced by press release the day after parliament had risen
for the long summer recess.
The effect, and probably the intent, was to advantage Packer
and Murdoch and to disadvantage Fairfax and HWT. Packer had no
newspapers, so was not affected by the cross-media change. Even-
tually Murdoch would sell out of television, and so likewise would
be unaffected. Fairfax and HWT’s pattern of newspaper and televi-
sion ownership made it very hard for either to expand. It transpired
that Keating had consulted the first two but not the last two before
the changes were made public. As Peter Bowers put it in the Sydney
Morning Herald, ‘Keating sees the cross-media rule as historic because
it looks after Labor’s long-term interests first, looks after Labor’s
mates second, and pays back Labor’s enemies third.’
80
Many media players thought that the changes represented the
last chance to gain entry into television, and it triggered a scramble
for position, with unprecedented prices. Even though the changes
did not become law until the following May, there was immediate
action.
In the 12 months between November 1986 and November
1987, 13 of Australia’s 19 metropolitan daily newspapers changed
ownership, three of them twice, and 11 of the 17 metropolitan com-
mercial TV channels changed owners, two of them twice. None of
the four companies which had dominated Australian television in
November 1986 had a single channel by November 1987, and the
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170
three major players who dominated the networks in late 1987 all
exited the industry within the next five years, with the Ten network
going through two ownership changes.
81
The first, biggest and most controversial single transaction was
Murdoch’s purchase of the Herald and Weekly Times. Murdoch
described the bid he made on 3 December 1986 as the biggest news-
paper takeover in the English-speaking world.
82
As it stood then, if
Murdoch did not, or was not forced to, dispose of anything, the pur-
chase would have given him more than three-quarters of the daily
press, and a great number of television stations. Murdoch journalists
wrote as if the deal was already a fait accompli, with Brian Frith in the
Australian saying the ‘Flinders Street fortress (HWT) fell in a single
day’, and that Murdoch’s generous offer had shattered its ‘long sup-
posed impregnable takeover defence’.
83
In fact the ‘mind-boggling
number of cross shareholdings’
84
proved much harder and more
expensive to penetrate than Murdoch had anticipated, especially as
there were counter-bids from Holmes à Court and later Fairfax for
parts of the group. Indeed the ‘takeover battle for the Herald and
Weekly Times was probably the longest, most involved and most
litigious of any action in Australia’. Rather than being over in one
day, it dragged on through many complications for nine weeks.
85
From the beginning, Murdoch was confident of the govern-
ment’s support. He told HWT chief executive John D’Arcy at the
beginning of November, ‘There will be no trouble with the govern-
ment.’ Before then both D’Arcy and Murdoch had believed that
neither the government nor the Trade Practices Commission would
allow any merger that gave one publisher more than 50 per cent
of the metropolitan newspapers, but now Murdoch’s ‘attitude was
completely different, and it became apparent to me that he had a
deal with’ Bob Hawke.
86
D’Arcy thought ‘that Hawke and Keating had an incredible
hatred of HWT and Fairfax’ and affirmed journalist Geoff Kitney’s
observation that Hawke’s reaction to Murdoch’s takeover bid was
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171
‘almost joyful’.
87
Former Fairfax editor Vic Carroll wrote:
Hawke told some senior ministers in the week before the key
Cabinet meeting [in late 1986] that if Cabinet approved the new
75 per cent ownership rule for the Packer and Murdoch groups
then his government would win the next election.
88
Hawke called Fairfax ‘the natural enemy of Labor’ and HWT ‘a vio-
lent, virulent anti-Labor journal’.
89
He also said the old HWT man-
agement was ‘viciously anti-Labor, so if Mr Murdoch were to fire
a few salvoes at us, it couldn’t be worse than what we have been
enduring’.
90
Keating told the right faction of the Labor caucus that
‘Hawke was confident Packer and Murdoch were on Labor’s side.’
91
These views were widely shared among senior ALP politi-
cians. Labor national secretary Bob McMullan told Labor MPs they
should be ‘dancing in the streets’.
92
Former premier of New South
Wales Neville Wran said that he’d ‘like to see Murdoch own 95 per
cent of the papers in Australia’.
93
Victorian Premier John Cain, after
‘friendly and cordial’ talks with Murdoch, said, ‘Mr Murdoch is a
newspaperman – I have no worry about him owning the Herald and
Weekly Times.’
94
When John Menadue expressed dismay to his close friend,
senior government minister Mick Young, Young replied, ‘The
Herald and the Fairfax people – they’re always against us. But you
know, sometimes Rupert is for us.’
95
Another minister put it more
pessimistically: there is no way ‘we can fuck Rupert Murdoch with-
out fucking ourselves’.
96
Quite apart from the way that none of these politicians seemed
to see any democratic problem in this unprecedented media con-
centration, their pragmatism was based on problematic assump-
tions. Murdoch’s (and Packer’s) quid was far more obvious than
Labor’s quo. Packer exited the industry for some years, and even
after his return it would be hard to make a case that the Nine
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172
network showed any partiality towards Labor. He made one public
statement praising the Hawke Government, but after the 1993 elec-
tion, as the electoral tide was changing, he very publicly swung his
support behind Howard, much to Keating’s disgust.
97
Nor did the
Murdoch press campaign strongly for Labor in 1987: according to
Chadwick, ‘Murdoch indicated to some of his journalists that he
wanted election editorials to steer a middle course, although they
could lean slightly to the party they thought looked the best.’
98
Given that his concentration of ownership was politically sensitive,
he took the prudent course, and for the first time papers he owned
editorialised in favour of different parties. In 1987, Fairfax papers
were more editorially supportive of Labor than Murdoch ones.
99
From 1993 and for the next several elections, News Limited news-
papers were predominantly on the Coalition side. On the other side
of the ledger, one leading analyst estimated the combined selling
price of the Nine and Ten networks before the government’s policy
change at about $800 million; after the change they commanded
$1.9 billion. So in return for some temporary, tepid, qualified sup-
port, the two proprietors enjoyed a windfall of $1.1 billion.
Equally puzzling is the perception of the Murdoch and Packer
groups as ‘mates’ and of Fairfax and the HWT as enemies.
100
In
Australia, Murdoch’s support for the Hawke-Keating Labor Gov-
ernment came only after it was elected. In 1983 the only metro-
politan paper editorially endorsing Labor was the Fairfax-owned
Age. In 1984 every metropolitan newspaper that expressed a pref-
erence, except the Hobart Mercury, editorialised for the re-elec-
tion of the Hawke Government, so it had the support of all three
major groups.
101
Some HWT papers, particularly the Melbourne
Herald, had campaigned strongly against the government’s propos-
als on superannuation taxation, but so had most Murdoch papers.
On the basis of interviews with 223 journalists around Australia
in the early 1980s, I concluded that among the three companies,
journalists’ accounts of political intervention and direction were
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173
very roughly in the ratio of News Ltd 10; HWT 4; Fairfax 1.
102
While there were pieces of reporting in both Fairfax and HWT
papers (and on the ABC) that angered government leaders,
103
the
differences seem to have been more in attitude than content. It was
the lack of direction from the top in the ABC and Fairfax that the
Labor deal-makers seemed to find difficult. They thought that some
of Fairfax’s journalism was ‘out of control and dangerous’.
104
Mal-
colm Fraser recognised the differences between the groups when he
was seeking their support in 1975. He spoke to Murdoch, Packer
and James Fairfax, ‘but in the knowledge that the Fairfax papers
ran differently to News Ltd – the views of the proprietor were not
necessarily reflected in the copy the reporters wrote’. As for Packer
and Murdoch, Fraser said, ‘We did not believe the fiction that media
barons do not control the policies of their papers.’
105
Keating also clearly enjoyed being a participant, helping to
shape the big moves that were remaking the Australian political
landscape. He had given Murdoch and Packer, but not Fairfax,
advance notice of the proposed changes. When Fairfax general
manager Greg Gardiner telephoned Holmes à Court, Keating was
with the latter, and – unbeknownst to Gardiner – listened in. Keat-
ing then warned Murdoch that Holmes à Court was serious, and
that he [Murdoch] would have to negotiate; he thought his inter-
vention with Murdoch was crucial in this happening.
106
Afterwards
he gloated to Fairfax executives, ‘I hurt you more than you hurt
me.’
107
There were three regulatory hurdles Murdoch had to clear. The
first was his proposal to keep the Ten TV licence by reorganising the
control structure of the channels. The second was Foreign Invest-
ment Review Board approval for foreign ownership of the HWT
newspapers. The last was Trade Practices Commission approval:
the level of concentration in newspaper ownership did not breach
its policies. Murdoch failed the first – causing him then to sell his
Channel Ten stations – and passed the other two.
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174
On 20 January 1987, Murdoch’s hopes had to be radically
scaled back after the full bench of the Federal Court ruled that he
could not own an Australian television licence because he was not
an Australian citizen. One judge said that the talk of restructuring
News Limited was a ‘sham’.
108
This had implications not only for
the disposal of the Ten network, but for News’s wish to acquire
HWT, as News, as a foreign company, would not be allowed to
own its broadcasting assets either. A few days later the ABT indeed
announced an inquiry into Murdoch’s status as a foreign person.
The ABT made no specific finding on the matter at this stage. In
order to pre-empt potential legal difficulties, the HWT Board itself
auctioned off its broadcasting assets, and they were all disposed of
before the company passed into foreign hands.
The decision also brought an extraordinary response: on 22
January, News Limited issued a public statement disowning Rupert
Murdoch:
A number of statements have recently appeared in the press
and elsewhere attributed to Mr K.R. Murdoch relating to News
Limited and in particular its takeover bid for the Herald and
Weekly Times … The board wishes, however, to point out the
following. 1. Although Mr Murdoch was formerly a director of
News Ltd, he is no longer a director and he holds no office in the
company. 2. Mr Murdoch has no authority to speak on behalf of
or to bind News Ltd.
109
This fiction required one to ignore recent history. On the day
the bid was launched, Murdoch had been photographed with his
mother, with much talk about how proud his father would have
been, and commentary on him reclaiming his ‘birth right’. The chair
of the ABT, Deirdre O’Connor, pointed out that when Murdoch
had talked about the imminent moves, he had talked of ‘his’ take-
over of HWT and ‘his’ plans to sell some of its assets.
110
The charade
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did not last long. In the coming days and weeks, Murdoch certainly
acted as if he was in charge, and no protest from the Board ever
became public.
The Foreign Takeovers Act gave the treasurer power to prohibit
a purchase of a corporation by foreign persons if that control was
deemed contrary to the national interest. A four-member Foreign
Investment Review Board (FIRB) would advise the treasurer, who
would then make a public announcement of his decision, often
without giving any grounds. The FIRB’s advice in this case has never
been made public. Treasurer Keating approved Murdoch’s purchase
of HWT, and so a majority of the nation’s papers passed into for-
eign hands.
On the three other occasions during Keating’s period in gov-
ernment when decisions involving foreign takeovers of newspapers
arose, he rejected the applications. He prevented Robert Maxwell
buying the Age and stopped a Malaysian company buying half of
the afternoon paper, the Perth Daily News.
111
Famously, he refused to
allow Conrad Black to lift his stake in Fairfax, until he saw how bal-
anced their coverage during the 1993 election was.
112
Keating also
rejected Murdoch’s attempted purchase of the majority of the news
agency Australian Associated Press, but approved his acquisition
of AAP’s share of Reuters, and also of half of Australian Newsprint
Mills.
113
When the Murdoch decision was being made, leading fig-
ures tended to appeal to sentiment rather than law, to argue that
Murdoch was ‘really’ an Australian.
114
John Singleton’s advertising
on Murdoch’s behalf had a double-page spread headed ‘Is the great-
est Living Aussie a Yank?’
115
The Trade Practices Commission (since replaced by the Austral-
ian Competition and Consumer Commission [ACCC]) had a man-
date to weigh the competition impact of the takeover. The TPC
said it was:
satisfied that the acquisition of HWT by News Ltd, viewed
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176
overall, has not increased concentration of ownership of the
print media in Australia. Rather has ownership become more
widespread.
116
It argued that while the Act precludes one company’s domination,
it does not preclude duopolies. The TPC head, Bob McComas,
argued:
There isn’t any doubt in my mind that a large part of the
comment was due to the person behind News rather than the
acquisition itself. It is important to recognize that there was a
particular feeling about the takeover which in no way related to
the law.
117
It would have been a politically hazardous course for any regulator
to align itself against such powerful forces, though there were some,
albeit limited, grounds for an optimistic conclusion to the taking
of such a position. In no metropolitan market was the number of
competitors immediately reduced. Ownership of afternoon papers
– much weaker financially than morning papers – was more dis-
persed. None of this suffices, however, to deal with the elephant
in the room: since these deals, the largest company accounted for
around two-thirds of metropolitan newspaper circulation, a much
bigger share than in any other democratic country.
118
Unfortunately for the TPC, almost immediately some arrange-
ments began to fall apart. As Frank Lowy’s Northern Star company
extended its TV reach, it wanted to offload the Brisbane and Ade-
laide papers it had bought from Murdoch. In August 1987 control of
the two papers passed to local managements – who had previously
worked for News Limited, whose financing was arranged by News
Limited, and whose printing and distribution were negotiated with
Murdoch.
119
It would be hard to argue that such arrangements con-
stituted them as independent entities, let alone strong competition.
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177
The newspaper casualties were quick to come: Business Daily, a
new national business newspaper backed by HWT, did begin, as
planned, in July 1987, but in the face of News Limited’s hostility
it closed after only six weeks.
120
In the early 1980s, Murdoch had
launched a new daily in Brisbane, the Daily Sun, to compete with the
Courier-Mail. Within a year of gaining control of HWT in 1987, he
closed the Brisbane afternoon paper the Telegraph; the Sun switched
to afternoons, and so Brisbane’s newspapers were reduced from
three to two.
121
Third, Holmes à Court closed his weekly Western
Mail in December 1987, as he now owned Perth’s daily newspapers.
On 9 February 1987, Murdoch, having achieved his goals in
newspapers, finally bowed to legal necessity (and perhaps to his
own financial needs) and sold his TV channels to Lowy. The delay
had been financially rewarding. He was paid over $800 million,
122
which some estimate at more than double what he would have
received if he had sold in September 1985.
123
Cross-media ownership between newspapers and television had
disappeared, but concentration within both had increased mark-
edly. In addition, the upheavals had weakened both industries. Nev-
ertheless, Treasurer Paul Keating was pleased with his handiwork.
In 1990, he said the result was ‘a beautiful position compared with
what we did have’. Between 1988 and 1991, 1200 journalist jobs
disappeared, the biggest loss in the industry’s history, as seven of 19
metropolitan daily papers closed, and commercial TV staff declined
from 7745 to 6316.
124
Meanwhile, Murdoch had, as he proclaimed,
completed the biggest newspaper takeover in the English-speaking
world, and achieved an unassailable position in the Australian press.
Hawke’s Labor successors have had ample opportunity to regret
the misdirected pragmatism of his government, which allowed one
company to dominate press ownership in a way that is clearly det-
rimental to democracy.
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178
Blair and Murdoch
For everyone in the British Labour Party, the savagery of the tab-
loids during the 1992 election was a pivotal experience. Even the
political beneficiary of it all, Conservative Prime Minister John
Major, described the campaign against Labour leader Neil Kin-
nock as ‘pretty crude’ and ‘over the top’.
125
Alastair Campbell had
no doubt ‘that the systematic undermining of Labour and its leader
and policies through these papers … was a factor in Labour’s inabil-
ity properly to connect with the public, and [its] ultimate defeat’.
126
Blair himself resolved: ‘I was absolutely determined that we should
not be subject to the same onslaught.’
127
He told tabloid editor Piers
Morgan that ‘I had to court [Murdoch] … It is better to be riding
the tiger’s back than let it rip your throat out. Look what Murdoch
did to Kinnock.’
128
Just as the experience made Blair determined to avoid any repeti-
tion, it meant others in the Labour Party were likely to be affronted
by any dealings he had with Murdoch. Kinnock vented his anger
one night at dinner with Campbell:
‘You imagine what it’s like having your head stuck inside a fucking
light bulb’ [referring to the Sun’s infamous front page on election
day], he raged at me, ‘then you tell me how I’m supposed to feel
when I see you set off halfway round the world to grease him up.’
129
Blair’s approach was more attuned to strategy than to moral judge-
ment. In government, on one occasion when Campbell was indig-
nant over some mistreatment by the Murdoch press, Blair advised
that ‘he was worried my [Campbell’s] sense of injustice about what
they did was clouding my judgement about how to deal with
them’.
130
Blair described his early period as opposition leader, from 1994,
as one of ‘courting, assuaging and persuading the media’.
131
Part
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179
of what he wanted was to abandon the party’s platform on media
reform. He told the Leveson Inquiry that Labour made a strategic
decision not to tackle the problem of media power: ‘[I’m] being
open about the fact that, frankly, I decided as a political leader that
I was going to manage that and not confront it.’
132
He felt that any
policy on changing the law on the media:
would have been an absolute confrontation. You would have had
virtually every part of the media against you in doing it, and I felt
that the price you would pay for that would actually push out a
lot of the things I cared about …133
Blair went beyond making a strategic decision about choosing
which battles to fight, however. He sought political advantage
when the Major Government moved towards some limits on media
ownership which would have disadvantaged Murdoch. Responding
to pressures to alleviate the previous total ban on newspapers being
allowed to have a commercial TV licence,
134
Major moved towards
the then fashionable view of framing ownership limits by defining
a ‘share of voice’ across media. In 1995, his government proposed
prohibiting newspaper companies with more than 20 per cent of
national circulation applying for ITV licences. This would cut out
the Mirror group and Murdoch.
135
McKnight notes that ‘A witness
to Murdoch’s reaction saw him driven into a “furious rage”.’
136
Blair moved to exploit the proprietor’s discontent. ‘It’s not a
question of Murdoch being too powerful,’ he commented.
137
Labour
wanted the 20 per cent limit raised, so instead of being on the more
regulatory side, Labour was now on the more deregulatory side.
The minister, Virginia Bottomley, accused Labour of ‘lurching from
paranoid terror of large media groups to sycophantic devotion to
them’.
138
The stance was not driven by policy merits, she claimed.
Rather ‘it was a carefully calculated political stratagem designed to
curry favour’.
139
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180
Labour had Murdoch’s support in 1997, and won, although as
Campbell observes, ‘The Sun backed us because they knew we were
going to win. We did not win because they backed us.’
140
This set
the scene for one of the more extraordinary prime minister-press
proprietor relationships in British history. On the one hand, the
government was at pains to please Murdoch. For example, Blair
ensured that Murdoch sat next to Chinese President Jiang Zemin
at a state dinner in London,
141
according him status and the chance
to advance his business aspirations in China. Labour favoured the
Murdoch press with interviews and leaks of important announce-
ments,
142
and the likely reaction of Murdoch was in the forefront
of government thinking when deciding policy: ‘No big decision
could ever be made inside No. 10 without taking account of the
likely reaction of three men – Gordon Brown, John Prescott and
Rupert Murdoch.’
143
This was most obvious in policy on Europe,
but as former Blair staffer Lance Price observed, ‘the influence of
the Murdoch press on immigration and asylum policy would make a
fascinating PhD thesis’.
144
Yet at the same time the government was
paranoid about its dealings with Murdoch becoming public: ‘In the
past week both Murdoch and the new editor of the Sun, David Yel-
land, were in Number Ten for dinner – not something we’ve been
advertising,’
145
recorded Price in his diary.
This confluence of an eagerness to please Murdoch, and a
reluctance to acknowledge any relationship with him, produced an
unnecessary embarrassment for the government. During a phone
call, British Prime Minister Tony Blair – at Murdoch’s request –
asked Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi what his attitude was
to Murdoch’s wish to acquire Berlusconi’s Mediaset company, and
Prodi replied that he would prefer an Italian company. This epi-
sode blew up into a momentary controversy after the conversa-
tion became public. When the story first surfaced in March 1998,
Campbell extravagantly denounced it as ‘a joke, C-R-A-P, balls’. But
uncomfortable backtracking quickly followed, mainly centring on
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181
the meaning of the word ‘intervene’. Blair then made public state-
ments about his willingness to help ‘any business with British inter-
ests’, but as one Labour MP observed, the government’s handling
of the issue was a ‘rather unedifying spectacle of half-truths and
non-denial denials’.
146
As Piers Brendon notes, ‘When revealed, this
piece of lobbying embarrassed Blair as much as it delighted Mur-
doch [who] bragged about his access.’
147
Did this translate into tangible policy favours? Campbell and
Blair both emphasised to the Leveson Inquiry that several of their
media policies ran contrary to News International’s interests. For
example, they increased the BBC licence fee; they blocked Mur-
doch’s proposed takeover of Manchester United; and they expand-
ed and strengthened the role of the regulator, Ofcom.
148
In each of
these cases they were responding also to larger pressures in society
and in the Labour Party. On other occasions, they clearly resisted
wider currents for reform. For example, they refused to back moves
in the House of Lords against predatory pricing in newspapers in
February 1998,
149
when the Times was seeking to drive its competi-
tors out of business using exactly this tactic. The government also
opposed – in contrast to previous Labour policy and many other
voices – any attempts to tighten anti-monopoly provisions in the
media.
The occasion when the Labour Government ruled most directly
against Murdoch’s interests was over his bid to acquire Manchester
United. Murdoch bid £623 million, which the club accepted in Sep-
tember 1998. Supporters’ groups and others immediately opposed
the takeover. In October, the Trade Secretary, Peter Mandelson,
referred the bid to the Monopolies and Mergers Commission. Mur-
doch was unhappy about the referral. The following April, after a
six-month investigation, the government ruled against the bid.
150
The Sun and the Times both criticised the decision, and said football
would be the loser. The Guardian took the contrary view, with its
editorial, ‘Murdoch 0, Football 1’.
151
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182
The Commission’s report was ‘highly suspicious of BSkyB and
United, concluding that promises offered by the two companies
to help the deal go through were unlikely to be kept’.
152
Although
there were and are other privately owned clubs, there were particu-
lar issues with BSkyB owning Manchester United. It would make
it very difficult for any other broadcaster ever to win the rights for
the English Premier League. It would give BSkyB an incentive to
give preference to Manchester United over other clubs. At worst, it
could be the basis for BSkyB to support a breakaway competition, à
la SuperLeague in Australian rugby league.
Price gave an insight into how worried Blair was by the
decision:
He is, of course, totally preoccupied by Kosovo at the moment,
but also very exercised by the decision yesterday to block Sky’s
bid for Manchester United. No matter what we say publicly,
he’s very concerned to keep Murdoch on board … He was
furious that the DTI [Department of Trade and Industry] let it be
reported that the government had blocked the deal, rather than
the Monopolies and Mergers Commission.
153
Apart from observing ‘no-go areas’, the one area where the Blair
Government adopted a policy that clearly advantaged News Inter-
national was in the Communications Act of 2003, which for the
first time withdrew all foreign ownership restrictions on British
broadcasting, and allowed major newspaper proprietors to own the
new Channel 5 terrestrial licence, but not the original commercial
Channel 3 licences.
154
As Brendon puts it, ‘Official denials merely
convinced critics that this did not so much create a “level playing
field as a landing strip for Rupert Murdoch”.’
155
Neil testified before
the Leveson Inquiry that Murdoch had lobbied Blair for changes
in media laws that would end the ban on foreign ownership of TV
licences.
156
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Leveson concluded, perhaps generously, that:
the evidence does not support an inference of an agreement
between Mr Murdoch and Mr Blair. Not only did Mr Blair flatly
deny any such deal but the contemporary papers … reveal very
considerable thought, genuine debate and reasoned decision
making during the development of the policy underpinning the
2003 Act.
Murdoch’s lobbying style
The news media pride themselves on their ability to penetrate
official secrecy and maintain public accountability. It is some-
what ironic then that News Corp shows such a strong preference
for closed policy processes and a tendency to evade public com-
mitments. Murdoch’s dealings with governments and regulatory
agencies show just how much access, at the very top levels of all
governments, he and his representatives have enjoyed. They also
show his preference for closed and informal decision-making pro-
cesses. As Leveson commented:
There is a very powerful incentive and momentum precisely for
the lobbyists of the press to guide their political relationships
into the private sphere of friendships … Such friendships
not only intensify the influence of the lobbyist, they pull the
relationship (including its lobbying dimension) out of the sphere
of accountability.
157
Probably Murdoch’s closest relationship with a regulator was with
the Reagan-appointed chair of the US Federal Communications
Commission (FCC), Mark Fowler. Fowler’s Reaganite views led
him towards radical deregulation: ‘Over four years he got rid of
70 per cent of the rules and regulations that governed American
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184
broadcasting.’
158
Beyond this Murdoch and Fowler had a close per-
sonal relationship: they were ‘virtual soul mates, proponents of the
free market and determined to do away with regulation at all cost
… [Murdoch described Fowler] as one of the great pioneers of the
communication revolution.’
159
Fowler ‘did everything he could to
ease Murdoch’s passage’.
160
The FCC gave Murdoch a charmed run in the 1980s, although
its most outrageous decision was of little commercial help. When
Murdoch acquired six US TV stations in 1985, he also sought a
waiver to keep his newspapers in New York and Chicago, despite
owning TV licences in those cities. The US had had, since 1975,
restrictions on cross-media ownership forbidding ownership of a
TV station and a newspaper in the same city, and had never granted
an exemption or even a temporary waiver to a new entrant to televi-
sion. News Corp argued that it should not be forced into a ‘fire sale’,
and so have to receive a lesser price for its papers. It even argued
that selling at a lower price would be bad for media diversity. The
FCC granted Murdoch an unprecedented two-year period of grace
during which he could keep the newspapers. This decision seems
impossible to justify. It was not an act of God that had put Murdoch
in breach of the law, after all; it was his own deliberate actions.
However, at least in the case of the New York Post, this regulatory
favour essentially allowed Murdoch to keep losing money.
One recurring theme throughout Murdoch’s career has been his
failure to keep commitments. In 1968, Murdoch agreed not to buy
any more shares in News of the World, but did so within months, the
moment they became available.
161
When he took a stake in London
Weekend TV in 1970, he had to give undertakings to the Inde-
pendent Television Authority that he would not exercise executive
power, but immediately did so. When reminded of this by the CEO
he fired soon after, he simply replied, ‘Yes, but that was before I
came.’
162
He told the publisher of the New York Post, Dolly Schiff, in
1976 that he would retain the paper’s liberal, progressive character
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185
and keep its top editorial staff.
163
In front of the Australian Broad-
casting Tribunal, as he took over Channel Ten in 1979, he made a
series of spectacularly inaccurate statements. He declared, ‘Chan-
nel Ten will continue exactly as it is today’, but two weeks after
he gained the Tribunal’s approval, the general manager was gone,
and within two months so was the chairman.
164
He also said that
although he held an American green card, it was not his desire to
apply for US citizenship, and he could not imagine doing so. Six
years later he did just that.
165
When asked whether he would seek
to own Ten’s sister station in Melbourne, he answered, ‘There is no
substance to that rumour, and I do not see why I should give up a
very profitable station in Adelaide for a loser in Melbourne.’ But
three months later he did exactly that.
166
The most controversial broken commitments – and ones which
in theory were legally binding – were the guarantees of editorial
independence he gave when buying the Times. Amazingly, the Ban-
croft family sought to repeat the process when selling Murdoch
the Wall St Journal. Murdoch found the process insulting but was
‘willing to sign on to an artificial set of rules he would inevitably
circumvent’,
167
knowing that they were ‘more about other people’s
need for a fig leaf than about any reasonable idea of governance’.
168
Then editor Marcus Brauchli thought:
We’re all trying to put Murdoch in a straitjacket, wrap him in
chains, put him inside a lead box, padlock it shut, and drop it
into the East River … and five minutes later he will be standing
on the bank, smiling.
169
When it comes to complying with obligations to government, Mur-
doch commented to Kiernan in the early 1980s:
One thing you must understand, Tom. You tell these bloody
politicians whatever they want to hear, and once the deal is done
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186
you don’t worry about it. They’re not going to chase after you
later if they suddenly decide what you said wasn’t what they
wanted to hear. Otherwise they’re made to look bad, and they
can’t abide that. So they just stick their heads up their asses and
wait for the blow to pass.
170
If, as former Murdoch editor David Montgomery observed, ‘Rupert
has contempt for the rules, contempt even for governments’,
171
it is
not surprising that his record is one of regulatory brinksmanship.
He takes the view that a rule only applies if it can be enforced.
Indeed, Murdoch’s capacity to affect how regulations are enforced
has probably been more important than his capacity to change poli-
cies through legislation.
Tiffen, Rodney. Rupert Murdoch, edited by Rodney Tiffen, University of New South Wales Press, 2014. ProQuest Ebook Central, .
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